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Piety and machines were disconnected and opposing. 2 This secularisation narrative did not originate in the twentieth-century academy but in the late eighteenth-century world of changing power relations. To proclaim ‘faith in danger’ has been the perpetual task of churches in all historical ages to defend against backsliding, but it was only transformed into a perpetual thesis of ‘religion in decline’ in the special circumstances of agricultural improvement and industrial revolution. The thesis of decline has since been proclaimed by various interested parties.

Inglis in 1963 rejected a priori that ‘the typical late-Victorian working man went to public worship for part of his life and then stopped’, and equally rejected the notion of ‘his early-Victorian father or Georgian grandfather worshipping for a time and then staying away’. F. 58 From this point, the clerical myth of the unholy city, and of the irreligious working classes in particular, was cemented into modern scholarship. It more especially re-entered general history books as historians used Victorian clerics as sources.

Ironically, it was at this very moment that social science reached the height of its influence in church affairs and in academe. Secularisation theory became the universally accepted way of understanding the decline of religion as something of the past – of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The 1960s viewed itself as the end of secularisation. But by listening to the people themselves, this book suggests it was actually the beginning. 15 Chapter two The Problem with ‘Religious Decline’ ᇹᇺᇹ THE WORLD WE HAVE LOST ‘Religious decline’ is an emotive, loaded term.

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